anyone else find it interesting that when polls are public you see people voting that never or no longer regularly post in this forum?
telling isn't it? 
obviously i have not voted yet because i'm wavering between ..
This is a cluster fuck, they'll figure it out. Ukraine will be defeated.
This is a cluster fuck, this will end in stalemate.
this is a cluster fuck, Ukraine wins and Russia leaves with a tail between their legs.
bahhahhaaa
and then there is this 
As Russia's Military Stumbles, Its Adversaries Take Note
https://www.yahoo.com/news/russias-m...123420763.html
Helene Cooper
Tue, March 8, 2022, 6:34 AM

A  man surveys the damage to an apartment building after Russian troops  unleashed a ferocious artillery attack on the southern Ukrainian city of  Mykolaiv on Monday , March 7, 2022. (Tyler Hicks/The New York Times)
CONSTANTA, Romania — When it comes to war, generals say that “mass matters.”
 
But  nearly two weeks into President Vladimir Putin’s invasion of Ukraine —  Europe’s largest land war since 1945 — the image of a Russian military  as one that other countries should fear, let alone emulate, has been  shattered.
Ukraine’s military, which is dwarfed by the Russian  force in most ways, has somehow managed to stymie its opponent.  Ukrainian soldiers have killed more than 3,000 Russian troops, according  to conservative estimates by U.S. officials.
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i'm leaving this in so YR can rage whine about leaving "ad link's" in cut/paste posts. bhahhahaaaa yes he did that. 
Ukraine  has shot down military transport planes carrying Russian paratroopers,  downed helicopters and blown holes in Russia’s convoys using American  anti-tank missiles and armed drones supplied by Turkey, these officials  said, citing confidential U.S. intelligence assessments.
Russian  soldiers have been plagued by poor morale as well as fuel and food  shortages. Some troops have crossed the border with MREs (meals ready to  eat) that expired in 2002, U.S. and other Western officials said, and  others have surrendered and sabotaged their own vehicles to avoid  fighting.
To be sure, most military experts say that Russia will  eventually subdue Ukraine’s army. Russia’s military, at 900,000 active  duty troops and 2 million reservists, is eight times the size of  Ukraine’s. Russia has advanced fighter planes, a formidable navy and  marines capable of multiple amphibious landings, as they proved early in  the invasion when they launched from the Black Sea and headed toward  the city of Mariupol.
And Western governments that have spoken  openly about Russia’s military failings are eager to spread the word to  help damage Russian morale and bolster the Ukrainians.
But with  each day that Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy holds out, the  scenes of a frustrated Russia pounding, but not managing to finish off, a  smaller opponent dominate screens around the world.
The result:  Militaries in Europe that once feared Russia say they are not as  intimidated by Russian ground forces as they were in the past.
That  Russia has so quickly abandoned surgical strikes, instead killing  civilians trying to flee, could damage Putin’s chances of winning a  long-term war in Ukraine. The brutal tactics may eventually overwhelm  Ukraine’s defenses, but they will almost certainly fuel a bloody  insurgency that could bog down Russia for years, military analysts say.  Most of all, Russia has exposed to its European neighbors and American  rivals gaps in its military strategy that can be exploited in future  battles.
“Today what I have seen is that even this huge army or  military is not so huge,” said Lt. Gen. Martin Herem, Estonia’s chief of  defense, during a news conference at an air base in northern Estonia  with Gen. Mark A. Milley, the chairman of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of  Staff.
Herem’s colleague and the air force chief, Brig. Gen. Rauno  Sirk, in an interview with a local newspaper, was even more blunt in  his assessment of the Russian air force. “If you look at what’s on the  other side, you’ll see that there isn’t really an opponent anymore,” he  said.
Many of the more than 150,000 largely conscripted troops  that Moscow has deployed across Ukraine have been bogged down north of  Kyiv, the capital. The northeastern city of Kharkiv was expected to fall  within hours of the invasion; it is battered by an onslaught of rocket  fire and shelling, but still standing.
Every day, Pentagon  officials caution that Russia’s military will soon correct its mistakes,  perhaps shutting off communications across the country, cutting off  Zelenskyy from his commanders. Or Russia could try to shut down  Ukraine’s banking system, or parts of the power grid, to increase  pressure on the civilian population to capitulate.
Even if they  don’t, the officials say a frustrated Putin has the firepower to simply  reduce Ukraine to rubble — although he would be destroying the very  prize he wants. The use of that kind of force would expose not only the  miscalculations the Kremlin made in launching a complex, three-sided  invasion but also the limits of Russia’s military upgrades.
“The  Kremlin spent the last 20 years trying to modernize its military,” said  Andrei V. Kozyrev, the foreign minister for Russia under Boris Yeltsin,  in a post on Twitter. “Much of that budget was stolen and spent on  mega-yachts in Cyprus. But as a military advisor you cannot report that  to the President. So they reported lies to him instead. Potemkin  military.”
During a trip through the Eastern European countries  that fear they could next face Putin’s military, Milley has consistently  been asked the same questions. Why have the Russians performed so  poorly in the early days of the war? Why did they so badly misjudge the  Ukrainian resistance?
His careful response, before reporters in  Estonia: “We’ve seen a large, combined-arms, multi-axis invasion of the  second-largest country in Europe, Ukraine, by Russian air, ground,  special forces, intelligence forces,” he said, before describing some of  the bombardment brought by Russia and his concern over its  “indiscriminate firing” on civilians.
“It’s a little bit early to  draw any definitive lessons learned,” he added. “But one of the lessons  that’s clearly evident is that the will of the people, the will of the  Ukrainian people, and the importance of national leadership and the  fighting skills of the Ukrainian army has come through loud and clear.”
While  the Russian army’s troubles are real, the public’s view of the fight is  skewed by the realities of the information battlefield. Russia remains  keen to play down the war and provides little information about its  victories or defeats, contributing to an incomplete picture.
But a  dissection of the Russian military’s performance so far, compiled from  interviews with two dozen U.S., NATO and Ukrainian officials, paints a  portrait of young, inexperienced conscripted soldiers who have not been  empowered to make on-the-spot decisions, and a noncommissioned officer  corps that isn’t allowed to make decisions either. Russia’s military  leadership, with Gen. Valery Gerasimov at the top, is far too  centralized; lieutenants must ask him for permission even on small  matters, said the officials, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to  discuss operational matters.
In addition, the Russian senior officers have proved so far to be risk-averse, the officials said.
Their  caution partly explains why they still don’t have air superiority over  all of Ukraine, for example, U.S. officials said. Faced with bad weather  in northern Ukraine, Russian officers grounded some Russian attack  planes and helicopters, and forced others to fly at lower altitudes,  making them more vulnerable to Ukrainian ground fire, a senior Pentagon  official said.
“Most Russian capabilities have been sitting on the  sidelines,” said Michael Kofman, director of Russia studies at CNA, a  defense research institute, in an email. “The force employment is  completely irrational, preparations for a real war near nonexistent and  morale incredibly low because troops were clearly not told they would be  sent into this fight.”
Russian tank units, for instance, have  deployed with too few soldiers to fire and protect the tanks, officials  said. The result is that Ukraine, using Javelin anti-tank missiles, has  stalled the convoy headed for Kyiv by blowing up tank after tank.
Thomas  Bullock, an open source analyst from Janes, the defense intelligence  firm, said Russian forces have made tactical errors that the Ukrainians  have been able to capitalize on.
“It looks like the Ukrainians  have been most successful when ambushing Russian troops,” Bullock said.  “The way the Russians have advanced, which is that they have stuck to  main roads so that they can move quickly, not risk of getting bogged  down in mud. But they are advancing on winding roads and their flanks  and supply routes are overly exposed to Ukrainian attacks.”
Russian battlefield defeats, and mounting casualties, also have an effect.
“Having  the Ukrainians just wreck your airborne units, elite Russian units, has  to be devastating for Russian morale,” said Frederick W. Kagan, an  expert on the Russian military who leads the Critical Threats Project at  the American Enterprise Institute. “Russian soldiers have to be looking  at this and saying, ‘What the hell have we gotten ourselves into?’”
Most  of Russia’s initial attacks in Ukraine were relatively small, involving  at most two or three battalions. Such attacks demonstrate a failure to  coordinate disparate units on the battlefield and failed to take  advantage of the full power of the Russian force, Kagan said.
Russia  has begun military maneuvers with larger units in recent days and has  assembled a large force around Kyiv that appears poised for a possible  multipronged attack on the capital soon, he added.
Given the  struggles the Russian military has had conducting precision strikes to  force a surrender of Ukrainian military units, Moscow’s forces are  likely to step up the kind of broader attacks that have led to rising  numbers of civilian deaths.
But in the end, military officials say they still expect that mass will matter.
“The  Russian advance is ponderous,” retired Gen. Philip M. Breedlove, a  former NATO supreme allied commander for Europe, said at a virtual  Atlantic Conference event on the crisis last Friday. “But it is  relentless, and there’s still a lot of force to be applied.”
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