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			01-04-2013, 05:43 AM
			
			
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			An op-ed from Politico on the GOP's Primary Problem:  
"The intra-party contests, or threat thereof, have  become the original  sin that explains many of the party’s woes in the  minds of GOP leaders.  It’s the primaries that push their presidential  nominees far to the  right (see “self-deportation” and “47 percent”);  produce lackluster  Senate candidates (Todd Akin has almost become a  one-word shorthand);  and, as seen most vividly in the last two weeks,  dissuade scores of  gerrymandered House members from face-saving  compromise while  politically emasculating their speaker."
                                                                                                                                                       GOP scrambles to fix its primary problem 
                                                                     By: Jonathan Martin 
 January 4, 2013 04:34 AM EST                                                              
The disastrous 2012 election and embarrassing fiscal cliff standoff has brought forth one principal conclusion from establishment Republicans: They have a primary problem. 
 
 The intra-party contests, or threat thereof, have become the original  sin that explains many of the party’s woes in the minds of GOP leaders.  It’s the primaries that push their presidential nominees far to the  right (see “self-deportation” and “47 percent”); produce lackluster  Senate candidates (Todd Akin has almost become a one-word shorthand);  and, as seen most vividly in the last two weeks, dissuade scores of  gerrymandered House members from face-saving compromise while  politically emasculating their speaker. 
  
 What to do about the primaries has become Topic A in many a  post-election Republican soul-searching session, and now the first steps  are being taken to address the issue. For Senate Republicans, that  means a modified return to their 2010 posture of openly playing in  primaries. A retiring House Republican is starting a super PAC to help  House members challenged from the right. And an RNC commission is  mulling over changes to the party’s presidential primary. 
 
 In the Senate, where at least five GOP losses in the past two  election cycles could be attributed to primaries, Republican leaders are  planning to intervene in selected 2014 races to ensure preferred  candidates win the nomination. 
 
 High-profile Senate Republicans are going to try to pre-empt bloody  primaries with aggressive, early recruitment and support — effectively  trying to clear fields. 
  
 “Instead of worrying about resolving a contested primary and  upsetting a lot of folks on both sides … you recruit the best candidate  on the front end,” explained Sen. Rob Portman (R-Ohio.), a newly named  NRSC vice chairman and close ally of Senate GOP leader Mitch McConnell. 
 
 Further, expect Senate Republicans to insert themselves in those 2014  primaries when Democrats attempt to influence the GOP nominating  process as they did in the 2012 Missouri Republican contest that  produced Akin. 
  
 “If you catch wind of (Democrats playing in Republican primaries),  it’s a tough decision but you’ve got to have the ability and flexibility  to say, ‘OK guys, we’re headed down a track here, so is there a better  candidate who has more appeal, can raise more money, is more  representative of the state they’re in?’” said Portman. 
 
 Added Sen. Kelly Ayotte of New Hampshire: “When they are up to those  things, then I think that the committee has to say there are some  primaries that we will get involved in because we’re not going to let  the Democrats pick our nominees.” 
 
 Further, top Senate Republicans have made clear  to outside groups that they’d like the third parties to not exist simply  as entities that air attack ads against Democrats in general elections  but to play a more hands-on role in GOP primaries. 
  
 “It’s important for the groups that have been sitting on the  sidelines in primaries and ceding the field to groups to be more  involved,” said Sen. John Thune (R-S.D.). “You’ve got certain groups  that are very active in primaries, in many cases behind candidates that  have had, as we’ve experienced in the last couple of cycles, trouble  winning general elections. We’ve got to have support for candidates that  can win.” 
 
 Translation into non-Senate speak: The big-money establishment  Republican super PACs like American Crossroads need to serve as a  counterbalance in primaries to conservative outfits such as Club for  Growth and former Sen. Jim DeMint’s Senate Conservatives Fund. 
 
 Crossroads, at least, is already preparing to do just that. 
 
 While they won’t become entirely invested in the business of  incumbent protection — something McConnell has signaled he’d like them  to do — they are moving toward a more robust presence in GOP primaries. 
 
 That means a thorough and cold-eyed assessment of which Republicans will have the best chance to win general elections 
 “To be effective, you have to go well before the primary and identify  well-qualified candidates using a number of criteria,” said one source  familiar with Crossroads’s thinking. “It’s not who’s more or less  conservative, but putting together a more discriminating evaluation of  candidates.” 
 
 In an interview in the Capitol, Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas), the NRSC  chairman in the past two elections and now the Senate’s second-ranking  Republican, said, “I think you’re going to see more people involved in  primaries,” right as he rounded a corner and nearly ran into Crossroads  CEO Steven Law. 
 
 “Speaking of the devil and he appears,” joked Cornyn. “He said what’s  going to happen in the primary process and I said well I think you’re  going to see more people get involved. “ 
 
 “Yeah, that’s right,” said Law, on cue. “More people are going to get involved.” 
 
 After Law departed, Cornyn said he was confident it wouldn’t just be Crossroads wading in. 
 “This is too important to leave to any one organization,” said the  Texan. “You’re going to see other super PACs getting involved.” 
 
 The case of Rep. Shelley Moore Capito (R-W.Va.) makes clear that they’ll be needed. 
 Just hours after Capito announced in November that she would run for  the Senate in 2014, the Club for Growth panned her candidacy with a  scathing statement. 
 
 With one press release, the conservative group offered a vivid  reminder about why the establishment’s attempt to take hold of the  primary process won’t come without some blood on the floor. 
 
 Portman hopes that Capito’s early move and the support she received will send a message. 
 
 “I endorsed her, others stepped up, we’ve encouraged her to run for  years,” said the Ohioan, adding: “That avoids the problem. You try to  prevent the problem.” 
 
 Ayotte, making the case for the party to play on a “case-by-case”  basis in primaries, said Capito is “a prime example” of where  Republicans should rally early. 
 
 “When we see a candidate like her, people need to know many of us stand by her,” said Ayotte. 
 
 But, and this is the challenge for the establishment crowd, such  early support doesn’t necessarily mean other potential aspirants will  stay away. 
 
 For example, one senior Republican who was heartened by Capito’s  decision was just as quickly dispirited upon chatting with West Virginia  Rep. David McKinley a few days after her announcement. Questioning  whether Capito has the fire to run statewide — she has been wooed for  years to make a Senate bid — McKinley said he would consider making a go  at the seat currently held by Sen. Jay Rockefeller, according to this  Republican. 
 
 In the House, look no further than the Plan B debacle and the 151  Republican “no” votes on the final compromise to understand how  primaries have become the chief political threat in a GOP caucus in  which more than half the members faced nominal general election  opposition this year. 
 
 As Speaker John Boehner put it last month when explaining why he  couldn’t bring his fiscal cliff bill to the floor: “We had a number of  our members who just really didn’t want to be perceived as having raised  taxes.” 
 Some senior House Republicans scoff at such fear. 
 
 “If you can’t win your primary by securing tax cuts for 90 percent of  your constituents, you’re not a very good politician,” said Rep. Tom  Cole (R-Okla.), an early advocate for compromise on the fiscal cliff. “I  would beat somebody to death if they tried to run against me on this  issue.” 
 
 But taxes have become so sacred an issue to Republicans since the  1990 rate-raising budget deal that a sizable majority of GOP members of  Congress proved earlier this week their willingness to let taxes go up  across the board than have to cast a recorded vote for higher rates on  any income level. 
 
 “A lot of the Republican Conference strategy has been to not put  members in a difficult primary situation and that makes it tougher for  us to sign off on a deal,” lamented former Rep. Steve LaTourette  (R-Ohio), a Boehner ally. 
 
 LaTourette wants to make it easier for those GOP  congressmen who are willing to work toward a grand bargain and is  leaving Congress to do just that. 
 
 He’s taking over the Republican Main Street Partnership — the  slimmed-down group of congressional GOP centrists — and is going to  create a super PAC to serve as a counterbalance to the Club for Growth  in House Republican primaries. 
 
 “When a center-right Republican is in a primary and is being targeted  by some group as a RINO, we’re going to make sure we have their back,”  said LaTourette. “Not just with speeches and press releases but with  money.” 
 
 LaTourette said his initial goal for the group’s super PAC would be  to raise $10 million and he had already gotten favorable responses when  he brought up his plan with senior House Republicans on committees that  make it easy to raise money. 
 “We’re going to hit the road [to raise money] as soon as I’m off this payroll,” he said of his congressional tenure. 
 
 As for the NRCC, incoming Chairman Greg Walden (R-Ore.), another  Boehner ally who backed the cliff deal, said the group would most likely  continue its policy of staying out of contested primaries but did note  that the House campaign arm is an “incumbent-driven organization” that  wants to ensure its incumbents “are as strong as they can be.” 
 
 And by way of subtle warning to his fellow backers of the compromise,  Walden said advance preparation was key for any incumbent worried about  being primaried. 
 
 “The textbook case is Upton,” said Walden, alluding to Rep. Fred  Upton (R-Mich.), the center-right chairman of the Energy and Commerce  Committee who took steps to protect his right flank well before a  long-anticipated primary he won easily last year. 
 
 On the presidential level, the prolonged and debate-a-week 2012 GOP  primary has become central to Republican post-mortems about how Mitt  Romney was so soundly defeated. 
 
 A session devoted to the primary at Harvard’s quadrennial  post-election conclave was dominated by grumbles from Romney officials  about the multitude of debates. 
 
 Stuart Stevens, Romney’s top strategist, likened the hyped-up TV forums as something close to “American Idol.” 
 
 And Romney’s political director, Rich Beeson, said in an interview  for POLITICO’s ebook on the election that the primary, which stretched  until mid-April partly because of the proportional distribution of  delegates, cost the Republican nominee precious time in setting up his  general election operation. 
 
 “It was probably worth 350,000 votes,” said Beeson. 
 
 A committee tasked by RNC Chairman Reince Priebus with assessing what  went wrong in 2012 and how the GOP can rebound will consider changing  the 2016 primary back to a winner-take-all format. But such a proposal  is likely to run into serious resistance from RNC members who hail from  states whose primaries and caucuses have typically taken place long  after the nomination has been decided. 
 
 What’s more likely, according to one committee member, is an effort  to take control of the debates, by which the RNC would have more say  over the number and format of the forums. 
 
 “[There’s a] clear appetite to change the primary debate structure,”  said Henry Barbour, a top Priebus ally. “[There were] too many and too  much control with the media.” 
 
		 
		
		
		
		
		
		
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			01-04-2013, 08:08 AM
			
			
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			#47
			
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			The GOP doesn't have a primary problem;  they consistently win the independent vote when their candidate goes up against the Democrats in districts that are evenly split. 
 
The problem the GOP has is 2-fold:  A media bias and candidates who think they need to be   big tenant Republicans. 
 
Obama won in 2012 because conservatives stayed home, and the Obama ground game was better than the Romney ground game........despite an overwhelming sympathetic media that beat up Romney. 
 
Politico is trying to be relevant by posting drivel;  something for liberal idiots to chew on.
		 
		
		
		
		
		
		
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			01-04-2013, 08:43 AM
			
			
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			#48
			
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	Quote: 
	
	
		
			
				
					Originally Posted by  Whirlaway
					 
				 
				Politico is trying to be relevant by posting drivel;  something for liberal idiots to chew on. 
			
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Hey Whirly, America and Wisconsin are both "Trending" Obama!
 
Stay tuned for the next update!
		  
		
		
		
		
		
		
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